- #36
Economist
Yonoz said:This is where we differ. I believe governments should do more than administer society - rather, they should lead it.
One needs to understand capitalism and market forces are not a magic bullet.
I agree that capitalism and market forces are not a magic bullet (although they do many great things). Notice also that Government (including democracy) is also no magic bullet. I don't trust government to "lead" as government is imperfect (just like markets are imperfect). Governments do not have the knowledge, incentives, nor the compassion to correctly "lead" people, which is precisely why the founding fathers of the US had such a strong distrust of Government. I also believe that many people have a very romanticized view of Government, which is why they have a good deal of trust in the system.
You should read this interview with Nobel Prize winning Economist James Buchanan, who's work on Public Choice theory is all about politics and government. http://www.minneapolisfed.org/pubs/region/95-09/int959.cfm
Here are some interesting quotes from the interview:
Region: It appears at first glance that many Public Choice economists are politically conservative and free-market oriented. Would that be an accurate description of those academics in the Public Choice movement?
Buchanan: I think it's an accurate description—but it's an accurate description for a reason. If you take the story I've given you, if you recognize that the traditional way we looked at politics had a lot of romance in it, then Public Choice comes along and removes the romance. I think the natural outcome of that is you're going to be more skeptical about government than you would have been otherwise.
Mancur Olson, a good friend of mine, has been influential in Public Choice and objects very strongly to this argument that there is this conservative bias. There is no bias in it as such. But Mancur himself has necessarily had to look at politics differently because of that, despite the fact that his natural proclivity would be more left than mine. There's nothing inherently biased about it. It's just that the fact that if you start looking at the political sector or politics from a non-romantic view, you come to a different view on what has been traditional.
Economists traditionally have been much more pro-market and anti- politics, anti-government than the other parts of the Academy in general. But throughout the decades economists have been frustrated by the fact that they put their ideas out there and nobody pays any attention. Economists have found you can't go out there and sell the idea of a market economy very readily. You have to be sophisticated to understand it. It's difficult to sell the idea of a market economy, so economists haven't been very effective. Potentially, Public Choice, it seems to me, has been effective in a different way altogether. Public Choice does not say that the market is perfect or the market works at all. That's not part of it. But it says that politics fails. There are a lot of people out there who will recognize that politics fails and, therefore, will be in support of a market, who would never have come around to support the market in terms of the pro side. They'll see the anti-politics side, so that's how Public Choice comes in.
Region: It seems that many people now see your emphasis in Public Choice as common sense, that is, applying economics to government. Please describe your journey in making Public Choice commonplace in both the practical world of politics and in the academic world.
Buchanan: It is nothing more than common sense, as opposed to romance. To some extent, people then and now think about politics romantically. Our systematic way of looking at politics is nothing more than common sense.
Buchanan: I was influenced by the Swedish economist Wicksell, who said if you want to improve politics, improve the rules, improve the structure. Don't expect politicians to behave differently. They behave according to their interests.
Buchanan: I picked up some of the Italians who had paid much more attention to the model of the state, the model of politics. I spent a year in Italy (1955-56). It changed my perspective on politics because I think a lot of Americans, of my generation anyway, still had a romantic view of politics. Italians, for me at least, served the function of introducing a lot of skepticism, a lot more questions. Had I not spent that year in Italy, I might not have ever really been able to come to the critical realistic view of politics as I did. All that was by way of background.
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